War on Drugs = War on Terrorism Essay - 2460 Words

War on Drugs = War on Terrorism The United States’ new claim in today’s world of propaganda and mind-warping media is that The War on Terrorism = The War on Drugs. Recently simple anti-drug slogans have been manipulated into aggressively and often erroneously exaggerated media assaults. (planetpapers.com) The United States claims that each person can help fight terrorism by choosing not to buy or use illicit drugs, and the government itself can help fight terrorism by implementing a more effective War on Drugs throughout the country. They claim that illicit drugs are the major monetary support of terrorist groups throughout the world, which in some respects is correct. Due to this claim, teenagers and drug†¦show more content†¦Adding to this, even more blame should be placed on the government than the blame they are so valiantly trying to divert. It is the U.S. government’s fault that drugs are even remotely linked to terrorism. This is because the profitability of il licit drugs is the direct result of the prohibition of drugs by the government, and the U.S. is a leader of the world and is therefore the model for most other country’s prohibition laws on the same drugs. Marijuana is grown everywhere across the United States and is one of the most widely used drugs. People in every state grow marijuana for their own use, for use by their friends, and for sale to make a little profit. I know personally of people who do this; it is not uncommon. Also most of the marijuana purchased in the U.S. comes from Mexico, other Latin American countries, and Canada, all of which are not a major concern for terrorist activities, if a concern at all. In the same way marijuana is produced in the United States, hallucinogenic mushrooms are also produced. The major source of hallucinogenic mushrooms in the U.S. is grown right here at home, and most of the other sources are also provided by Mexico, Latin American countries, and Canada. The illicit drug that is seen as the most problematic and widespread drug throughout the U.S. today is crystalShow MoreRelated War on Drugs is a Domestic Problem Essay620 Words   |  3 Pages WAR ON DRUGS IS A DOMESTIC PROBLEM nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp; The new policy that the government has unfolded on the War on Drugs, has pointed the finger of responsibility toward stopping terrorism by stopping the individual drug users. Terrorism affects the entire world, and the United States has assumed a position at the spearhead to confront it. 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HoweverRead MoreThe Cold War1559 Words   |  7 PagesWith the end of the â€Å"Cold War†, the hypothesis of war between states declined and created opportunities for peace and security. However, new types of conflicts, new challenges for maintaining international security and new threats to peace emerged. The U.S. attacks on September 11, 2001, marked a before and after in international relations, security concepts, and the emergence of new threats. Governments have had the necessity to change and to design new strategies to address these new threats. FurthermoreRead MoreEssay on Columbia1712 Words   |  7 Pages America’s War on Drugs Chaos best describes the current state of the Republic of Colombia. Rebelling terrorist groups from within the country threaten to topple Colombia’s actual government. Again and again, Colombia has shown its inability to fight the rebelling terrorists and simultaneously protect its civilians from harm. 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Terrorism can be defined as an unlawful violence or war deliberately targeted to civilians. It can also be defined as a systematic use of terror to coerce or violent acts intended to create fear. This threat is normally perpetrated for religious, political or ideological goals. The conflict as also called by other names. They include World War III, The Long W ar, War on TerrorismRead MoreSocial Problems Essays1168 Words   |  5 Pagesonly really become an issue when they affect a large proportion of society. What for one might look like a problem and if a large group of society is not affected, there is little probability that it will be defined as a social problem. The â€Å"war of drugs† is one of the most argumentative examples of social problem construction. Throughout the world people consume all sorts of chemicals that affect their bodies: they drink large amounts of liquor; which can lead to another major problem with alcoholismRead MoreA Brief Note On The Culture Of Terrorism1518 Words   |  7 PagesCulture of Terrorism The Culture of Terrorism The thesis of this paper is that the attacks of 9/11 were the catalysts of a world culture of terrorism that is used by propaganda and censorship to blur the politics of globalization and technology, and restructure a totalitarian society. This paper will argue that the businesses of â€Å"the U.S. media shill factory† (Borjesson, 2004, p.165), the plottings of the â€Å"brand based† (Klein, 2000, P.421) corporations, and the multi-national oil giants influence

Historiographical Analysis of Industrial Revolution-Free-Samples

Question: Discuss about the Histeriographical Analysis of Industrial Revolution. Answer: Historiography term refers to a series of historical work on specialized topic. It is a compilation of the study and methodology of the discipline of history. It focuses on the analysis of the way history has been and is written, a demonstration of history of these historical writing. It is the study of the interpretation of the individual historians behind the case instead of explaining the events. It also studies the changes in perception of the writers that occurs over time. These perceptional changes occur in the writing with the domain of the writer. Obviously, the description of the event will vary in the write up of an anthropologist to a psychologist as their world view varies widely (Stoa.Org.Uk 2017). This study will be focusing on the Industrial Revolution that took place around the western world, especially in Britain and its chain effect in the past century. Works of various scholars will be studied from different perspective to get a proper idea of the subject. The indu strial development is a long process in the history. It produced technological and structural transformation, which is widely referred as the Industrial revolution in the chapter of history. A descriptive study will be carried out which will highlight the viewpoint of different historians on the events. Arnold Toynbee was the first to conduct a systematic study on industrial revolution in 1880 to the grounds of economic changes (Wilson 2014). Since then, different economists have expressed their view among which, T.S. Ashton is a major name. In 1937, he proposed that, the Pre World war historians possessed a meager shelf, out of which to make up the story of Industrial Revolution. The literature developed rapidly during the World War I. Max Hartwell is another big name in the field who published the first critical survey of the attempts made by various economic historians in explaining the Industrial revolution, in 1965 (Sharpe 2010). The paper describes a critical explanation of the viewpoints of the scholars in the attempt. Several attempts came up after this on the grounds of surveys of the Industrial revolution. The most recent and critical one can be the Joel Mokyrs work. David Cannadine has worked on a more proactive history where he used the literature economic historians of Industrial Revolution between the time period of 1880 to 1980. He mentions that, the focus of this writings was base on the socio-economic characteristics. Yet, Cannadines work does not focus on the change in explanations of the writers. Rather, he focused on the changing aspects of the Industrial Revolution. He divided his article in four frames. The first frame was from 1880-1920 where the theme was the consequences; the second phase was 1920-50 emphasizes on the economic instability, the third frame is 1950-70, in which article focuses on the modern economic growth and the last frame attempts the form an idea of the revolution in slow pace of the change England during 1750-1850 (Hudson 2014; Pseudoerasmus.Files.Wordpress.Com 2017). It is hard to determine the explanation of the writers and categorize the time frame where a kind of interpretation was dominant. It is even harder conceptualize the disagreement among scholars in the explanations proposed. Aston, in his article stated that the cause of industrial revolution could not be determined. The changes in the technology and organization of industrial production growth of industrial output, the structural change of industrial output and economy of the society are the prime focus in the explanation of the change. Crafts on the other hand focuses on the industrial growth rate, structural transformation of the society and the technological innovation between the 1750 and 1850 (Crafts 2014). They also focused on the growth of GDP per capita during this period to explain the industrial revolution. As mentioned earlier, the primary focus of the essay is to examine impression of the writers on the industrial revolution, it is important for us to identify the writers for a better understanding. Arnold Toynbee is among the writers talked about the features of industrial revolution rather than rather than the causes. He viewed the growth of overseas trade as the prime factor in change. According to him, trading relationship with America in trading was the primary factor for the growth. William Cunningham showed similar opinion stressing the growth of foreign trade as the primary factor. He also sees the importance of technological innovation (Wilson 2014). A.H. John viewed the boom of agricultural production during 1680 to 1750 as an unavoidable reason behind the revolution. It eventually rise expanded to domestic market of all kinds of goods. He related the growth of the other products with the agricultural expansion to support his view. This view got its attention in the global in the writings of Deane and Cole, who gathered information and broadcasted their evidences of foreign trade and overseas market for English goods, which made it grow faster. On contrary, they also showed that it was not evidence until the starting of 19th century (Lucas 2017). On the other hand, Robert Brenner, a Marxist historian showed a similar view while adopting a Smithian mode of analysis and stated that the exports to America were a major reason behind Britains rapid expansion. Brenner further stated that the agricultural expansion was the reason for this outcome. The colonial exports come into action while discussing the foreign exports and which again involves the socio-political factors of England (Brenner 1977). W.A. Cole is one of them who focused on the social factors rather than the technological one. The evolution of a social and institutional environment provided fuel to economic growth (Lucas 2017). This socio-political viewpoint can be seen in the Marxist writers whose point of view is observed to be completely different from the others as the focuses more on it. Another approach of the Marxist theories is the economic one, as Karl Marx was known to a famous economist of all time. Some other important economists who are significant in the matter are David Hume, Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, John Stuart Mill and David Ricardo. There are two parts of their theory, which are important in this study (Pseudoerasmus.Files.Wordpress.Com 2017). They are the role of overseas trade and the growth theory. They also connected the growth with the division of labor, transportation, technology, and distribution. They view all these as interrelated factors, which made the environment favorable for England to bring the industrial boom. Different Marxist theory strands like dependency theory often asserted the economic boom from a negative approach as it was connected with the international trade with colonized countries. Marxist such as Brenner connected the theory with struggle of the people rising from the agricultural development. Some similar opinion can be seen in other Marxist scholars who blame the international trade under European colonialism for the demolishment of the class structure of colonized society and under-developme nt condition. They viewed the negative part of the Industrial Revolution (Brenner 1977). Similarly, some of the non-Marxist scholars highlighted the economic development of the European countries on the plunder and exploitation of the colonized countries. They made Western countries responsible for the problem and questioned the moral behind their action. There are also some important scholars who viewed the political grounds of the industrial revolution among which, Mantoux is an important name. He linked the Industrial Revolution with the growth commerce with the help of political process of late seventeenth century. For him, the Glorious Revolution of 1688 played an important role. He connected the political control with the intercontinental trade of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Further, he stated that after the fight of the King, the Lords met in Guildhall, which is a common home for the merchant companies, in order to meet the necessities in hand and to pay the army. They borrowed two hundred thousand pounds from the city, which led to a alliance of a new monarchy with the class of moneyed man and the marchants (Mantoux 2013). The theories, primarily the economic theories of growth have fashioned the study over time. Ronald Findlay is an important economist as his theory of trade is widely used by Joel Mokyr in explaining the foreign trade as mentioned earlier in the essay. The economic theories are in continuous change which results in change in explanation of the Industrial revolution. The growth theories have changed over time and the current growth theorists have discovered useful ways of formalizing ideas long discussed by the economic historians (Meisenzahl and Mokyr 2011). On the other hand, J.A. Hobson in his paper analyzed British term of trade movement of eighteenth century and his supply side technological argument. His theory is also related to the trade development that it does not go with the manna from heaven as proposed by Findlay (Schneider 2016). The theorists of neoclassical, Solovian tradition frame another approach in growth theory. The theory was form during the 1950s, which could explain neither the industrialization experience of the third world nations, nor the growth experience of the industrial nations during the period. They took the technological progress has to be an exogenous and fortuitous process. A more systematic empirical says that the nations which have adopted the outward-orientation of development strategy have raised faster than the others raise and achieved a greater level of economic fortune than the protectionist traders achieve. We can now, highlight the changes that took place over time in the historiographical environment, which affected the interpretation of Industrial revolution from 1880s to the recent time. The technological innovation and the innovations that took place in the contemporary time dominated the Industrial Revolution. Most of the literature that published focuses on the technologi cal perspective and it was technological breakthrough that transformed the western world and society irrevocably area of disagreement in the workshop of the world. As observed in the above, we can divide the technological perspectives in two major views. The first one is the technological innovation in the boundaries of the country and the second one is the overseas trade. The first one consists of two views one is the manna-from-heaven view of technological change and the other is the fortuitous development. The second one focuses on the changes in technology largely as a function of growing market demand. One of the leading neoclassical formal growth theorists was Crafts. He viewed the economic growth of Britain during the Industrial Revolution and in nineteenth century is an outcome of of the traditional neoclassical growth model and growth accounting. However, in the recent years, the view has dramatically changed with the development of endogenous growth model and role of human capital formation. However, Crafts still believes that few aspects of technological change in the first Industrial Revolution, say for example, the micro inventions were indeed exogenous. On the other hand, he himself holds the view that, few of the new growth theories, especially Grossman-Helpman type, gives some useful insights for more realistic interpretation of the Industrial Revolution. According to him, these new growth theories have discovered helpful mediums of formalizing ideas, which was long discuss by the economic historians in the economic history of the world. He puts suggestion for a substantial effort to find different ways of investigations of the hypothesis with the given extensive emphasis put on comparative market size by the new growth theory (Crafts 2014). Henceforth, we can say that pessimism is extinguished in the post war era and gave birth to the construction of more realistic growth theories. New trends in histriography of the Industrial Revolution is dr iven by these main factors proposed by the economists. We can draw a conclusion from the above discussion that the theories and the opinions of the historians have changed drastically over time. Different perspective of different writers over time is mentioned in the above discussion. Different documents of various historians, starting from Toynbee is focus is the discussion. Socio-political, economical, social background of the Industrial Revolution has been discussed in the essay. Different theories like Marxist economic theory and the class theory, economic growth theory, formal neoclassical theory have been highlighted in the essay with a continuity of these theories over time. Cause of the Revolution and it effect on the society in various aspects like those that agricultural growth, class structure, oversea trade, colonial markets and many more have been discussed in details References Brenner, Robert. "The origins of capitalist development: a critique of neo-Smithian Marxism."New Left Review104 (1977): 25. Hudson, Pat.The industrial revolution. Bloomsbury Publishing, 2014. Meisenzahl, Ralf R., and Joel Mokyr. "The rate and direction of invention in the British industrial revolution: Incentives and institutions." InThe rate and direction of inventive activity revisited, pp. 443-479. University of Chicago Press, 2011. Mantoux, Paul.The industrial revolution in the eighteenth century: An outline of the beginnings of the modern factory system in England. Routledge, 2013. Crafts, Nicholas.Productivity Growth during the British Industrial Revolution: Revisionism Revisited. No. 204. Competitive Advantage in the Global Economy (CAGE), 2014. Wilson, Daniel CS. "Arnold Toynbee and the industrial revolution: The science of history, political economy and the machine past."History Memory26, no. 2 (2014): 133-161. Lucas Jr, Robert E.What Was the Industrial Revolution?. No. w23547. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2017. Schneider, Michael.JA Hobson. Springer, 2016. Sharpe, Pamela. "Max Hartwell (1921-2009): The Economic History of Van Diemen's Land in Global Context."Tasmanian Historical Studies15 (2010): 205. Stoa.Org.Uk. 2017.Historiography. https://www.stoa.org.uk/topics/history/Historiography.pdf. Pseudoerasmus.Files.Wordpress.Com 2017.. Industrial Revolution. https://pseudoerasmus.files.wordpress.com/2017/03/inikori_ch3.pdf.

Professional Discourse in Financial Institutions Making Knowledge and Change

Discussion Basically, finance and banking literature falls into two classes. The first category is found in textbooks which introduces basic concepts in this field to trainees. However, textbooks do not have much to speak about profound changes transforming financial systems. The second category on the other hand tends to be discussed by a small group of financial experts.Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Professional Discourse in Financial Institutions Making Knowledge and Change specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More While primarily writing for small professional elites, financial experts often use highly technical language and publish their works in relatively obscure outlets. Knowledge that makes it possible for an individual to influence others is important to changing practice (Grant, 2005, p. 37). This knowledge is, however, ignored frequently in the popular literature on change. The common assumption is that professional knowledge that is relevant to financial professionals is directly applicable to financial practice as new ideas and skills for training and that entrenching these has no appreciable political dimension. Even where financial professional development is expected to lead to transformational change, the practice rhetorical aspects are still largely left out of account (Goodwin, 1994, p. 75). Professional learning cannot only be regarded as a matter of knowledge transfer; rather it also has to be framed on the basis of trainee’s feedback as allowing people theorizing. According to researchers, rhetorical activity is important on the part of those wishing to effect changes in organizational settings if they are to achieve the cooperation of others and neutralize the power of those who oppose (Halliday, 1985, p. 62). The universal work processes and policy issues prove to form knowledge that is significant to success. This is because it offers a basis for developi ng a shared financial language and understanding with which to negotiate with bank managers and others acting as custodians to organizational resources. Collaborative pedagogy, in tapping into cohort as a resource, assists to maximize learning across groups about the operation of banks. (Aitchison, 1991, p.123). Mutual exchanges in financial setting allow people to explore knowledge about work processes because the difference between their experiences opened up questions of how things were managed in different working establishments (Eggins, 1994, p. 292).Advertising Looking for research paper on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More This implies that people have access to a range of case studies mediated by experts who could try and answer many of the questions that are unanswered when interrogating written texts or visiting experts (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 71). This paper attempts to review literature related to na rratives produced by bank economics as communally constructed representations of knowledge about in Canadian economy about past, present and future. Specifically, the paper tries to trace the construction and application of particular narrative that is monetary policy. A Review of Related Literature How does Professional Financial Discourse impact Change in Banking Culture? Smart (2006) presents well designed ethnography of Canadian Central bankers’ intellectual duties. He gives an account about discursive ways in which economists in Canadian central bank negotiate, pass and inscribe knowledge about the country’s monetary policies. In his presentations, Smart describes a world that is â€Å"tech-savvy rife with statistics, narratives, computer models, meetings, documents and Benchmarks† (p. 98). He provides presentations using narratives, statistics, computer models, documents, and others in a manner that benefited; the concerns of participants, the manner in wh ich micro events required to be understood as both unique and structured, and concern for situated and dialogical character of ethnographic knowledge (Bloommaert, 2007, p. 682). In his research project at the Bank of Canada, Smart illustrates the use of ethnographic-based genre analysis. In this project, Smart studied technology supported genre practices of economists in the Bank of Canada. He explored the work world and intellectual collaboration of the Bank’s nearly 275 economists. The study drew on qualitative data collected over more than two decades. Two aspects of the economists’ genre practices were well explored. First, the study examined how the economists use a set of written and oral genres, combined with technology of computer run economic models, to collaborate in creating specialized knowledge about current and future developments of Canada’s economy. It was also for the purpose of using this knowledge in directing Canadian national monetary policy (Smart, 2006, p.16)).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on Professional Discourse in Financial Institutions Making Knowledge and Change specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The narrative on Canadian monetary policy is designed in three stages, over time and across a set of written genres. Each successive version provides broad knowledge claim in the form of more comprehensive accounts of the state of Canadian economy. In the first stage, the story appears as a cluster of what Smart calls sector stories. This means specialists’ analyses of developments in different sectors of Canadian economy. In the second stage, the story is about the economy of Canada as a whole (Smart, 2006, p. 10). This was produced by a team of economists during a quarterly activity inscribed in a document referred to as the White Book. The final stage is an elaborate institutional story, constructed by the Bank executives from the White Book and other sources of information. A staff economist provides an overview of this process of narrative building. The sector specialists all have their little stories that they create using satellite models. Then in the Projection Exercise, the Secretariat uses QPM to pull all these stories together and make them interact with one another to produce a larger story. And then there’s the presentation of the White Book to the executives, where they test and prod your story. And then the executives take it from there themselves (Smart, 2006, p. 16). Smart (2006, p. 10) outlined three stages in construction of monetary policy story. He describes a model mediated collaborative process, in which financial statistical data reflected a wide range of conditions and developments in Canadian economy as interpreted linguistically and changed into narrative representations of knowledge utilized by the bank in conducting monetary policy and in communicating policy to the public. Ho w does Professional Financial Discourse contribute to the Social Change? This perspective understands knowledge to be activity based and socially generated. Knowledge comes from people thinking in action as they participate together in getting things done (Coulman, 1992, p. 172). Further, such thinking in action is seen as being shaped or even defined by means of mediation it employs to carry out a task.Advertising Looking for research paper on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Hence, distributed cognition theorists accord close attention to the various means of mediation; symbolic representations, technologies, and collaborative arrangements that groups use to enable particular specialized forms of reasoning and knowledge creation required to accomplish their work (Bloommaert, 2007, p. 681). Narratives as symbolic representations are means that affect our conceptions of what, how and why we need to know. Bazerman (1991, p. 330) stressed the role of such representations in encouraging inter-subjectivity, that is, the ground of shared understandings necessary for productive intellectual collaboration. He suggests that symbolic representations, whether linguistic, visual, or mathematical, serve to mediate between private spaces of cognition and public spaces in which inter-subjectivity is negotiated, thereby offering shared information, perception, and orientation of large many people involved in coordinated activities (Bargiela-Chiappini, 2004, 120). The ro le of shared symbolic representations in orienting activity, as mentioned by Bazerman (1991, p. 332) it is particularly important in large, complex professional financial organizations. In such cases, representations play an essential part in creating the inter-subjectivity that enables a multitude of people with varied experience, roles, and expertise to collaborate intellectually in a productive manner. In hierarchical organizations, collaborative activity of this kind typically involves the division of cognitive labor, where technical specialists engage in analytical work or surrogate thinking on behalf of more-senior decision makers (Smart, 2006, p. 75). This perspective mediating financial function of symbolic representations indicates the role of monetary policy story constructed by bank economists in the Bank of Canada (Smart, 2006, p. 16). This narrative acts as away of organizational thought that evolves across a set of genres. It serves to align economists’ analytic activities with the bank’s policy mandate and to consolidate the output of their work. Thus, this enables production and application of complex, specialized financial knowledge that central bank requires for conducting monetary policy (Smart, 2006, p. 75). As the monetary policy story evolves, a set of written genres, with its inherent patterns of structured social interaction, functions as a sequence of sites for the deployment of differentiated expertise, for the synthesis of various types of economic analysis as well as for the negotiation and resolution of competing interpretations of empirical phenomena and financial statistical data. This shows how a shared understanding of local narrative conventions and experience with accounting genres involved in construction of monetary policy story contribute to the inter-subjectivity needed for coordinated and productive intellectual collaboration (Fox, 2006, p. 115). Second, the study looked at the utilization of a different se t of technology supported discourse genres by economists to enable the Bank of Canada communicate effectively with the publics, such as; government, business sector, media, and others. These communications are deemed essential for a central bank to maintain public legitimacy as the national monetary policy authority (Smart, 2006, p. 8). The Canadian Central Bank research offers a deep description of discursive systems used by Bank’s economists to design a conceptual world featuring a shared understanding of financial economic reality. What is exemplified in this study is the distinction between ethnography of a social group and a case study of one or several informants or of a single event. The findings realised through the study drew on interviews with 32 Bank economists at different levels in the organizational hierarchy to depict the culture of their professional community (Smart, 2006, p. 10). On the concern of how much time a researcher requires to spend in a site in ord er to produce an authentic ethnography, the study at the Bank of Canada covered 23 years; 14 years as an in-house writing consultant and trainer in which data was gathered and analyzed data continuously (Smart, 2006, p.9). In addition, the observations also covered nine years of sporadic but fruitful research. Based on this experience and that of other ethnographers, a researcher using the Geertzian approach to ethnographic based discourse analysis requires some time, ideally a year or more, regularly observing in a site in order to produce a thick description of a social group’s life world (Geertz, 1973, p. 10). On the relationship between ethnography and theory, and question whether a researcher can commence a study with certain financial theories fixed in mind as conceptual tools. Smart was in agreement of this. In his case, he studied the Bank’s economists already working under the influence of theoretical concepts of epistemic rhetoric, genre and inscription. He t hen ventured to the theoretical well along the way to draw on concepts of modelling, activity, distributed cognition; situated learning, inter-textual, multimodality, organizational change and social production of information to assist interpret financial data. This implies that an ethnographic account is inevitably distinctive in nature. It is specific to a specific financial research financial personal repertoire of perspectives (Smart, 2006, p. 16). On the challenge of whether the accounts designed by ethnographers can assist in theory building in their disciplines, the questioner provides a thick description, ethnographic account of a particular community’s discursively designed life world, can be assumed to hold for other social groups in other settings (Bargiela-Chiappini, 2004, p. 123). Legitimately, a researcher cannot move from producing an account of a single professional organization, for instance, to claiming that the grounding theory derived from this account wil l necessary apply to other organizations (Halliday, 1985, p. 9). However, researchers contends that account of banks can act as heuristic for researchers intending to examine the discourse practices and intellectual collaboration of other professional groups (Brown, 2000, p. 106). Given the similarity in roles and culture of central banks around the world, and the Bank of Canada’s continual interactions with other national and international organizations, aspects of ethnographic account produced from this study applies likely to other professional organizations thus encouraging social change. The reason for this is that in many ways the account accords with ethnographic research by other scholars on discourse practices of professionals in variety of other organizational sites. The aspects of these accounts are likely to be applicable to other professional organizations, such as; Bank of Canada, other central banks, other economic policy organizations, other public policy orga nizations, and other professional organizations (Smart, 2006, p. 10). How does Professional Financial Discourse Impact Social Literacy and Social Change? Most recent perspectives have concentrated on epistemic functions of narrative discourse. Jarratt (1998, p. 63), for example, describes narrative as â€Å"a vehicle for the serious tasks of knowledge creation, storage, and use, while Brown (2000, p. 68). characterizes it as a medium for a â€Å"rich, distinctly valuable sort of knowledge that assumes guises ranging from the scientific to the poetic. Fox (2004, p. 116) in pointing to the frequent use of narrative by scientists, writes of powerful heuristic value narratives have for science as an interpretive and rhetorical strategy and of the way narrative impose significance and coherence on a mass of data by using plots to select and order events. The link between financial narrative and argumentation has also been theorized (Bloommaert, 2007, p. 682). Smart contends that in his torical narrative, point of views and interpretation of evidence are implicitly forms of argument. For him, there are no objective stories different types of historical arguments are inherently lodged in different kinds of narrative. He asserts that one of the ways historical financial narrative argues is through claims of cause and effect, observing that the device of plot carries with it the conjunction of narrative and causal analysis. In a context particularly relevant to research at the Bank of Canada, the use of narrative in the field of economics is candidly discussed. Consequently, despite economics’ scientific posture and empirical methodologies, its knowledge making actually depends on rhetorical devices, particularly narrative and metaphor (Smart, 2006, p. 75). The core of the narrative is significant in the analyzing policy work of Bank of Canada economists (Smart, 2006, p. 75). Recent theorizing suggests that genres in financial professions serve as structures of activity and discourse for generating and applying specialized knowledge necessary for social change. Stable firms with structures that are well defined also get recurrent problems which requires different types of discourse and knowledge (Bloommaert, 2007, p. 681). A written genre on finance can be seen as a broad rhetorical strategy enacted within a financial organization in order to regularize writer/reader transactions in ways that allow for the creation of particular knowledge (Cook, 1992, p. 152). I have also argued for a conception of genre that encompasses regularities in texts, composing processes, and reading practices as well as repeated patterns in an organization’s drama of interaction, the interpersonal dynamics that surround and support certain texts. This view of genre can assist in understanding the nature of collaboration through which an organizational narrative is constructed and applied (Bazerman, 1991, p. 336). A related theme in genre theory concerns t he knowledge-making function of families of genres. Bazerman (1991, p. 336) proposes the concept of the genre system, the full range of typified professional discourse produced by a professional financial organization. He depicts that a financial system of written genres can be interpreted as a multifaceted rhetorical structure for creating and distributing knowledge required for carrying out the work of organization. Bazerman (1991, p. 336) extends the genre system beyond the cluster of genres enacted by practitioners within a single professional group to include other external genres that are part of the group’s interaction with the world at large (Eggins, 1994, p. 294). He suggests substituting the term genre set for intra-professional cluster of genres and reserving the term genre system for entire network of genres enacted between an organization and other participants in a broader structured discursive field (Bazerman, 1991, p. 334). The thought of a genre set used by p ractitioners within a professional group and that of a genre system extending beyond the set to include other genres in a wider discursive field is useful for understanding the dynamics of financial narrative construction. The set of internal genres generated by the Bank of Canada economists function as analytic and rhetorical media. This is important for developing a complex narrative about the Canadian economy that is utilized in forming monetary policy decisions and in communicating policy to the outside the institution. The broader genre system that includes both the genres produced by the bank and the bank-related discourse of government, financial markets, academia, and journalism, enacts the institution’s conversation with other participants in the world of public policy (Smart, 2006, p. 16). A second body of financial theory that can cast light on the collaborative process of narrative construction is distributed cognition; an extension of the Soviet cultural-historic al approach known as activity theory. Departing from a tradition in Western psychology that locates intellectual functioning within the individual, removed from history and sociocultural influences, and that objectifies knowledge, distributed cognition theorists look at intelligence, reasoning, and knowledge as manifest in activity and distributed in nature (Bazerman, 1991, p. 330)). Cognition is observed to be stretched over, that is, activity of individuals working together sharing cultural practices and artifacts to meet identical goal. Summery In sum, researchers may wish to consider applying the account of the role of narrative in collaborative knowledge making at the Bank of Canada as a heuristic for their own investigations into the dynamics of discourse in other professional sites (Smart, 2006, p. 10). In particular, they may need to find out how the process of communal narrative construction may contribute to the creation and application of specialized knowledge necessary t o an organization for accomplishing its mandate. I suggest that researchers involved in such inquiry might find that bringing theories of genre and distributed cognition into play along with concepts of narrative can reveal important aspects of this process (Bazerman,1991, p. 336) Combined together, these theoretical perspectives, with their different but complementary angles of vision, constitute a powerful conceptual frame for examining the discursive practices that enable intellectual collaboration and knowledge making within a professional organization. The Bank of Canada Monetary Policy Report follows the schema of the fully elaborated monetary policy story more explicitly and completely than any other single published text (Smart, 2006, p. 240). Reference List Aitchison, J. (1991). 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